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NEW YORK STATE BAR ASSOCIATION
Committee on Professional Ethics
Opinion #683
Topic: Campaign activities by Assistant District Attorney
Digest: Assistant
District Attorney may not participate in campaign activities on behalf
of the incumbent District Attorney
Affirms N.Y. State 675 (1995)
Code: DR
1-102(A)(5); DR 5-101(A); EC 5-2; EC 7-13; EC 8-8
QUESTION
May an Assistant District Attorney participate in reelection
campaign activities for the incumbent District Attorney?
OPINION
In N.Y. State 675 (1995), this Committee concluded that it is
ethically improper for an Assistant District Attorney to participate in
campaign activities as part of the incumbent District Attorney's
reelection campaign, because this partisan political activity would
undermine the Assistant District Attorney's ability to exercise
professional discretion in an impartial, nonpartisan
manner. We distinguished N.Y. State 537
(1981), which found that, of necessity, an elected District Attorney
must be permitted to engage in political activity in running for
reelection. We perceived no comparable
necessity for Assistant District Attorneys to participate in their
superior's partisan political activity.
After we issued N.Y. State 675, the New York State District
Attorneys Association urged us to reconsider our
opinion. Representatives of the
District Attorneys Association met with us to explain their
disagreement. Having fully considered
their views, we nevertheless adhere to our previous
opinion. However, we take this
opportunity to elaborate on our earlier opinion.
Our starting point is that, unlike lawyers representing private
clients, prosecutors have a duty to "seek justice."[1] The prosecutor’s
"quasi-judicial function"[2] implies special
professional obligations that set prosecutors apart from other
lawyers.[3]
The prosecutor's duty to seek justice derives in large part
from the prosecutor's unique role: the prosecutor acts on behalf of a
party, the State, whose ends are to ensure the fairness and reliability
of the criminal justice process.
This special duty [to seek justice] exists
because: (1) the prosecutor represents
the sovereign and therefore should use restraint in the discretionary
exercise of governmental powers, such as in the selection of cases to
prosecute; (2) during trial the prosecutor is not only an advocate but
also may make decisions normally made by an individual client, and those
affecting the public interest should be fair to all. …[4]
This role imposes a responsibility on prosecutors not
only to ensure the fairness of the process by which a criminal
conviction is attained, but also to avoid the public perception that
criminal proceedings are unfair.[5]
The prosecutor's duty to seek justice is essential in light of
the extraordinary power that prosecutors wield. Prosecutors represent a party whose resources and powers can be
matched by few if any adversaries. In
criminal prosecutions, the sovereign exercises the power, on behalf of
the grand jury, to compel the production of evidence and the attendance
of witnesses at ex parte grand jury proceedings; the power to apply for
search warrants, arrest warrants and authorization to conduct wiretaps;
the power to grant individuals immunity from prosecution in exchange for
their assistance in a criminal prosecution; the power to seek an order
compelling witnesses to testify before the grand jury or at a criminal
trial in exchange for a promise that their testimony will not be used
against them; the power to initiate criminal proceedings (including
deciding whom to charge and which charges to bring); and the power to
forgo or dismiss some criminal charges in exchange for a guilty plea to
others. These powers are ordinarily
denied to all others within society and are generally denied even to the
State in other legal settings.[6]
As then-Attorney General Robert H. Jackson, later to become a
Supreme Court Justice and the chief prosecutor at the Nuremberg War
Crimes Trials, reflected in a 1940 address to a conference of federal
prosecutors:
The prosecutor has more control over life, liberty,
and reputation than any other person in America. His discretion is tremendous. He can have citizens investigated and, if he is that kind of
person, he can have this done to the tune of public statements and
veiled or unveiled intimations. Or the
prosecutor may choose a more subtle course and simply have a citizen's
friends interviewed. The prosecutor can
order arrests, present cases to the grand jury in secret session, and on
the basis of his one-sided presentation of the facts, can cause the
citizen to be indicted and held for trial. He may dismiss the case before trial, in which case the defense
never has a chance to be heard. Or he
may go on with a public trial. …
While the prosecutor at his best is one of the most beneficent forces in
our society, when he acts from malice or other base motives, he is one
of the worst.[7]
Attorney General Jackson appropriately perceived that
prosecutors' "immense power to strike at citizens" demands that
prosecutors possess a dedication to "the spirit of fair play and
decency" and an attitude that is "dispassionate, reasonable and
just."[8]
We take as a further premise that the responsibility to "seek
justice" is not a responsibility of the elected District Attorney alone,
but a professional responsibility of each individual
prosecutor. Much of the power of a
District Attorney's office is delegated to appointed
prosecutors. For example, an elected
District Attorney generally delegates to individual Assistant District
Attorneys the authority to decide whom to investigate or arrest, what if
any charges to present to the grand jury, what position to take with
respect to plea bargaining or sentencing, and the
like. It would not be possible in most
jurisdictions in this State for a District Attorney personally to
exercise this authority in all cases. Even in individual cases in which the District Attorney
personally makes these decisions, Assistant District Attorneys typically
have responsibility for providing much of the information and advice on
which the decisions are made. Consequently, the position of Assistant District Attorney is
far from ministerial. Individual
prosecutors exercise both enormous power and enormous
discretion.
In light of their duty to seek justice, individual prosecutors
have a responsibility both to exercise their discretion in a
disinterested, nonpartisan fashion and to avoid appearances that they
are doing otherwise. Indeed, a
prosecutor who exercised prosecutorial discretion to advance his or her
own political interests or those of another would be engaging in
"conduct that is prejudicial to the administration of justice" in
violation of DR 1-102(A)(5).[9] Thus, we have
recognized: "The public should be reassured that prosecuting attorneys
do not, and of equal importance, do not appear to, engage in partisan
politics. Suspicion that a prosecuting
attorney permits political considerations to affect his decision should
be avoided."[10] Likewise, the
ABA Standards recognize, generally, that "[a] prosecutor should avoid a
conflict of interest with respect to his or her official duties," and,
specifically, that "[a] prosecutor should not permit his or her official
judgment or obligations to be affected by his or her own political
… or personal interests."[11]
When a prosecutor's interests conflict with his or her
professional duties in ways that could not reasonably have been
anticipated and avoided, the prosecutor can do no better than to refrain
from exercising authority in the matter.[12] When it is possible to do so, however, prosecutors, like
judges, must take reasonable steps to avoid professional and personal
activities that will interfere with their ability to serve in a
disinterested fashion.[13] This includes
refraining from partisan political activity that will impair the
prosecutor's ability to exercise professional judgment in a manner that
is unaffected by his or her political or personal interests.[14]
In light of these general considerations, this Committee has
issued more than a dozen opinions concerning the limits on prosecutors'
participation in partisan political activity. Our leading opinion, N.Y. State 272 (1972), concluded that
neither elected district and county attorneys nor their assistants may
campaign for candidates for public office. In the quarter-century since we issued that opinion, the Code
of Professional Responsibility has been reviewed and amended in this
State on various occasions. During that
time, no changes have been made or, to our knowledge, seriously
considered, that would call for reexamining the premise that prosecutors
must generally refrain from partisan political activity in order to
ensure the appearance and reality of nonpartisan
decisionmaking.
We have recognized, as an exception, that District Attorneys
may properly participate in their own reelection
campaigns. "We did so not because the
concerns with respect to the public perception of the prosecutorial
function were any less, but out of necessity because the District
Attorney is an elective office."[15] Thus, this exception is driven by the exigencies of the
electoral process. District Attorneys
who are candidates must be able to participate actively in their own
reelection campaigns, both to afford members of the public the
information they need to make informed choices and to fairly compete
with those campaigning against them.[16]
Whether a further exception should permit Assistant District
Attorneys to participate in partisan political activity on behalf of the
incumbent District Attorney depends, in part, on whether such
participation poses an additional threat to the impartiality of
prosecutorial decisionmaking. We take
as a starting point that a District Attorney's partisan political
activity unavoidably compromises the ability of his or her office to
act, and appear to act, in a disinterested
fashion. The question, however, is
whether or not this problem would be exacerbated by the Assistant
District Attorneys' partisan political activity on behalf of the
District Attorney, and if so, whether necessity warrants a further
exception to permit such political activity by Assistants.
In cases in which the District Attorney's political interests
are apparently implicated--for example, cases in which the defendant or
the defendant's lawyer contributed to the District Attorney's campaign
or, conversely, supported the District Attorney's opponent--there is a
significant risk that prosecutorial decisionmaking will appear to be
biased either for or against the accused. In such cases, the participation of Assistant District
Attorneys in the election campaign will reinforce the apparent
partisanship of the office. This is
especially likely to be true when the Assistant District Attorney with
immediate responsibility for the prosecution actively took part in the
District Attorney's campaign.
On the other hand, the Assistant District Attorneys'
nonpartisanship will act as a counterweight to the District Attorney's
apparent bias. As noted earlier,
decisionmaking is often delegated, in whole or part, to an Assistant
District Attorney and, when it is not, an Assistant District Attorney
may nevertheless have a substantial role in advising the District
Attorney. Thus, the nonpartisan
Assistant District Attorney's responsibility for, or participation in,
the case will provide some assurance that investigative decisions, bail
decisions, charging decisions, plea bargaining decisions, sentencing
decisions or other decisions exercised by prosecuting authorities will
be, and appear to be, made in disinterested fashion, notwithstanding the
District Attorney's political involvement.
We underscore that this Committee's concern exists wholly apart
from the dangers, studied by others, that the District Attorney will
improperly pressure or coerce subordinate lawyers to assist in the
campaign, or that the resources of the District Attorney's office will
be misused for political ends.[17] The solicitation of campaign assistance from assistant
prosecutors would merely compound the problem.[18] Our concern,
to put it bluntly, is with the risk that prosecutors, in the exercise of
their vast and virtually unreviewable discretion, will act or be
perceived as acting to promote partisan political interests, including
by actually or apparently treating members of the public differently
depending on whether or not they have political
connections. Although Assistant
District Attorneys serve at the District Attorney's pleasure, and
District Attorneys have ultimate responsibility for the workings of
their offices, Assistant District Attorneys are more likely to exercise
the considerable power delegated to them in a disinterested fashion
insofar as they refrain personally from partisan political
activity. Conversely, the danger of
biased decisionmaking, or the appearance of it, is multiplied when
Assistant District Attorneys actively take part in a District Attorney's
political activities. This is true
whether they do so of their own initiative or in response to
solicitation by their superior.
Whether Assistant District Attorneys may properly participate
in the District Attorney's reelection campaign also depends, however, on
whether there is a necessity for them to do so. The information we have received from the District Attorneys
Association does not undermine our earlier conclusion that there is no
such necessity. We understand that
Assistant District Attorneys have played a minimal role in the
reelection campaigns of most District Attorneys in this
State. District Attorneys have looked
principally to others for assistance in seeking
reelection. Incumbent District
Attorneys can fairly present their record and viewpoints to the public
without the active assistance of Assistant District
Attorneys. Further, given the ethical
restrictions on political activity by Assistant District Attorneys,
their lack of involvement in the incumbent's campaign cannot reasonably
be perceived as a lack of confidence in the District
Attorney. Finally, we do not see how an
incumbent District Attorney would be unfairly disadvantaged by not being
able to draw on subordinate attorneys for campaign
assistance. On the contrary, insofar as
Assistant District Attorneys faithfully and skillfully carry out their
prosecutorial responsibilities, they create a positive record of service
on which the District Attorney may run, thereby placing the incumbent at
a considerable advantage.
A further consideration is whether the need for disinterested
decisionmaking by prosecutors is important enough to justify
restrictions on Assistant District Attorneys' political
activity. We believe that it
is. Restrictions on judges'
participation in campaign activities on behalf of others have been
enforced in this State and elsewhere.[19] Comparable restrictions on lawyers who serve in the
quasi-judicial role of public prosecutor serve no less important
ends.
The final issue is the scope of the necessary restrictions on
prosecutors' political activity. We
note that the restrictions identified in this Committee's prior opinions
are less stringent than those imposed on judges by the Code of Judicial
Conduct. The risk that a prosecutor
will appear to be misusing his or her office for partisan ends is most
serious when the prosecutor campaigns actively for a candidate for
public office.[20] In N.Y. State. 675 (1995), we provided a non-exhaustive list of
campaign activities that, in our judgment, present this risk.[21]
Our opinions recognize that prosecutors may engage in modes of
political expression and association other than political campaigning
that do not create an equivalent risk. For example, in N.Y. State 573 (1986), this Committee
reconsidered an earlier opinion, N.Y. State 568 (1985), which had
concluded that it is not ethically proper for a district attorney, other
than one involved in his or her reelection campaign, to attend political
party functions. We did so upon the
request of the District Attorneys Association and others, in light of
the District Attorneys Association’s adoption of a code of conduct
specifically addressing that issue. We
concluded that, although prosecutors may not speak at political party
functions, they may attend political party functions insofar as it is
possible to avoid "the potential appearance that the prosecutor is
influenced by considerations of party politics or is lending the
prestige and weight of his office to the function or sponsoring
organization." N.Y. State 573
(1986). The line drawn in that opinion
was neither crystal clear nor perfectly obvious. It was, however, consistent with the line drawn by the District
Attorneys Association's then-newly adopted code of conduct--a line that
we believed to be entitled to some deference, particularly insofar as it
addressed an "issue [that] falls in an uncharted area."
Additionally, our opinions for almost a quarter-century have
distinguished between soliciting campaign contributions from others and
personally contributing to an election campaign:
Although it is improper for a prosecuting attorney
to solicit funds or to lend his name to
the solicitation of funds (except when he is a candidate for election or
reelection) as the lending of the prestige and power of the public
prosecutor's office to such solicitation gives the appearance of
impropriety, N.Y. State 248 (1972), the contributions by the public
prosecutor do not give rise to the same infirmities. Accordingly, it is not
improper for a prosecuting attorney or his assistants to make
contributions to a political party.[22]
Thus, as a general rule, a prosecutor may make
contributions to, but not actively campaign for, candidates for public
office.
In contrast, the Code of Judicial Conduct makes no distinction
between these activities. Canon
5(A)(1)(e) forbids a judge not only from soliciting campaign funding,
but also from making campaign contributions. Its principal purpose in doing so is "[t]o avoid enabling
judges to lend the prestige of their offices to advance the private
interests of others."[23]
Our opinions take a less restrictive approach in the case of
prosecutors based in part on the judgment that personal campaign
contributions made by prosecutors--and, especially, by assistant
prosecutors--are less likely to be viewed as attempts to place the
prestige of their public office behind private
interests. As importantly, our opinions
reflect the judgment that a prosecutor's impartiality--both actual and
apparent--is compromised less seriously when the prosecutor's political
expression is limited to personal campaign contributions than when he or
she actively contributes time and effort to a political
campaign. Although we recognize that
the line might reasonably have been drawn somewhat differently,[24] our past opinions distinguishing between campaign contributions
and active campaigning have been relied upon since 1972 and we see no
compelling reason to reconsider them.
Lastly, we note that a District Attorney's solicitation of
financial support from his or her subordinates may present ethical
problems from the District Attorney's perspective.[25] However, this Opinion
addresses exclusively the conduct of subordinate lawyers in a District
Attorney's office. The relevant Ethical
Considerations are concerned with preserving Assistant District
Attorneys' ability to exercise prosecutorial discretion in a nonpartisan
fashion, and not with protecting them from potential coercion by their
superior. Accordingly, we see no basis
for concluding that Assistant District Attorneys may not contribute to
the incumbent District Attorney's election campaign, when they may
contribute to the election campaigns of all other
candidates.
CONCLUSION
For the reasons given, we adhere to the opinion expressed in
New York State 675 (1995), that it is improper for an Assistant District
Attorney to participate actively in the incumbent District Attorney's
reelection campaign.
[1]
Ethical Consideration ("EC") 7-13; see also
ABA Standards for Criminal Justice Prosecution Function and Defense
Function [hereinafter "ABA Standards"], Standard 3-1.2(C)(3d ed.
1993) ("The duty of the prosecutor is to seek justice, not merely to
convict."); ABA Model Rules of Professional Conduct [hereafter "ABA
Model Rules"], Rule 3.8 comment ("A prosecutor has the responsibility of
a minister of justice and not simply that of an advocate."); Robert H.
Jackson, The Federal Prosecutor, 31 J. Crim. L. & Criminology
3, 4 (1940) ("Although the government technically loses its case, it has
really won if justice has been done."); see generally Fred C.
Zacharias, Structuring the Ethics of Prosecutorial Trial Practice:
Can Prosecutors Do Justice?, 44 Vand. L. Rev. 45 (1991).
[2]
N.Y. State 568 (1985) (quoting Schumer v.
Holtzman, 60 N.Y.2d 46, 51, 467 N.Y.S.2d 182, 184 (1983));
accord ABA Standards, Standard 3-1.2(b) ("The prosecutor is an
administrator of justice, an advocate, and an officer of the
court").
[3]
See EC 7-13 (referring to the prosecutor's "special duty"); ABA
Model Rules, Rule 3.8 (entitled "Special Responsibilities of a
Prosecutor").
[4]
EC 7-13.
As
the Supreme Court has recognized:
The United States Attorney is the representative not of an ordinary
party to a controversy, but of a sovereignty whose obligation to govern
impartially is as compelling as its obligation to govern at all; and
whose interest, therefore, in a criminal prosecution is not that it
shall win a case, but that justice shall be done. As such, he is
in a peculiar and very definite sense the servant of the law, the
twofold aim of which is that guilt shall not escape or innocence
suffer. He may prosecute with earnestness and vigor--indeed, he
should do so. But, while he may strike hard blows, he is not at
liberty to strike foul ones. It is as much his duty to refrain
from improper methods calculated to produce a wrongful conviction as it
is to use every legitimate means to bring about a just one.
Berger v. United States, 295 U.S. 78, 88 (1935); see also Monroe H. Freedman, Understanding
Lawyers' Ethics 213 (1990) ("Special ethical rules are appropriate
for prosecutors because the role of the prosecutor is significantly
different from that of other lawyers."); id. at 215 ("the
prosecutor's ethical standards . . . are different as a result of the
prosecutor's distinctive role in the administration of
justice").
[5]
See N.Y. State 272 (1972) ("It is essential that not only the
actuality but the appearance of bias or favoritism be avoided by one
holding the power to recommend indictment."); see also National District Attorneys
Association, National Prosecution Standards, Standard 25.1,
comment (1977) ("As a public prosecutor constantly in the public eye, it
is imperative that the prosecutor … `avoid even the appearance of
professional impropriety.'"); see generally Bruce A. Green,
Her Brother's Keeper: The Prosecutor's Responsibility When Defense
Counsel Has a Potential Conflict of Interest, 16 Am. J. Crim. L.
323, 323-25 (1989).
[6]
See generally Bruce A. Green, After the
Fall: The Criminal Law Enforcement Response to the S&L Crisis,
59 Fordham L. Rev. S155, S177-78 (1991).
[7]
Robert H. Jackson, supra note 1, at
3.
[9]
Cf. In re Rook, 556 P.2d 1351 (Or. 1976) (disciplining local
prosecutor for offering a plea agreement to one group of defendants but
not to other similarly situated defendants solely because they were
represented by lawyers whom the prosecutor disliked).
[10]
N.Y. State 272 (1972).
[11]
Standard 3-1.3(A) & (f).
[12]
See, e.g., DR 5-101(A); N.Y. State 660
(1994) (assistant district attorney who is dating defendant's lawyer
must be screened from all contact with the prosecution of the
case).
[13]
EC 8-8; N.Y. State 606 (1990) ("A lawyer should not, after accepting
employment, ‘acquir[e] a property right or assum[e] a position
that would tend to make his judgment less protective of the interest of
his client.' EC 5-2. This responsibility devolves at least as
heavily upon a public prosecutor as upon other advocates if not more
so."); N.Y. State 272 (1972) ("The principle to be applied is that an
attorney holding public office should avoid all conduct which might lead
the layman to conclude that the attorney is utilizing his public
position to further his personal interests or those of his friends.");
see also N.Y. State 537 (1981) ("Insofar
as political activity is concerned the position of a district attorney
or prosecuting attorney is analogous to that of a judge.");
compare Code of Judicial Conduct, Canon 4(A).
[14]
N.Y. State 272 (1972); compare Code of
Judicial Conduct, Canon 5A(1).
[15]
N.Y. State 675 (1995).
[16]
See, e.g., N.Y. State 568 (1985).
[17]
See, e.g., N.Y.S. Comm'n on Government
Integrity, Evening the Odds: The Need to Restrict the Incumbent
Advantage (1989), reprinted in Government Ethics Reform for the
1990s 225-28 (B. Green, ed., 1991):
Testimony from witnesses at the Commission's public hearing [into
campaign solicitations by a District Attorney] made plain that no matter
how the solicitation is phrased, many public employees, particularly
those who serve at will, may feel that they must comply in order to
maintain and improve their standing in the office. Such
solicitations often breed a feeling of resentment and demoralization
from both those who comply and those who resist. The "volunteers"
may not want to work on the campaign. Those who refuse to
volunteer feel that their [employment] may be in jeopardy because they
do not comply.
[18]
See id. at 228 ("[S]olicitations for
[campaign] assistance tend to politicize a public agency, thus
threatening the public's confidence in the agency's neutrality and
commitment to serve the public interest rather than private, political
interests.").
[19]
See, e.g., In re Turner, 573 So.2d 1 (Fla.
1990) (judge reprimanded for involvement in son's election campaign);
In re Sallee, 579 N.E.2d 75 (Ind. 1991) (judge reprimanded for
purporting to make campaign contribution in wife's name); In re
Decker (N.Y. Comm'n on Judicial Conduct, Jan. 27, 1994) (judge
admonished for publicly supporting county executive's campaign); In
re Martin, 434 S.E.2d 262 (S.C. 1993) (judge reprimanded for,
inter alia, placing campaign signs on his property); In re
Codispoti, 438 S.E.2d 549 (W.Va. 1993) (judge censured for
involvement in wife's judicial campaign).
[20]
N.Y. State 272 (1972) ("It is improper for a district attorney to
campaign actively for candidates for public office. . .");
id. ("Actively campaigning for candidates
for public office is one of the rights a public prosecutor must forego
in order to properly discharge the obligations of his
office.")
[21]
We stated: "[A]n assistant district attorney, for example, may not
circulate nominating petitions, campaign at public events, write letters
to the editor or speak with the media in support of the District
Attorney's candidacy." N.Y. State 675 (1995).
[22]
N.Y. State 264 (1972) (emphasis in original).
[23]
Jeffrey M. Shaman, et al., Judicial Conduct
and Ethics § 11.07 at 365 (2d ed. 1990).
[24]
Restrictions in other states on political contributions by public
officials have been found to promote essentially the same interests as
restrictions on campaign activities. See, e.g., Reeder v. Kansas City Bd. of Police
Comm’rs, 796 F.2d 1050, 1052 (8th Cir. 1986) (upholding
Missouri statute prohibiting officers and employees of the Kansas City
Police Department from making any contribution for "any political
purpose whatsoever"), cert. denied, 479 U.S. 1065
(1987).
[25]
See N.Y. City 1994-7 (candidates for
District Attorney should not personally solicit campaign contributions,
but may establish committees to do so).
Related Files
Opinion 683 (Adobe PDF File)
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